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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. The reconstruction of sexuality after migration is a central dimension of immigrant health and an integral part of the process of adaptation and incorporation. Despite its ificance there is little quantitative information measuring the changes in sexual behavior accompanying migration. This paper contributes to the literature connecting immigrant adaptation and health risks by comparing sexual practices and attitudes among Mexicans in Durham, NC and Mexican sending communities. Consistent with a social constructivist approach to sexuality we show that compared to non-migrants, Mexicans residing in the U.
The enhanced risks associated with migration vary systematically by gender and marital status and are accompanied by variation in attitudes towards sexuality, with the U. We discuss the implications for immigrant adaptation and health policies in the U. In an era of mass migration, understanding the forces that shape immigrant adaptation has become a pressing concern, particularly in the area of public health. One aspect of immigrant health that has become particularly relevant in the context of the AIDS epidemic is the way in which sexuality is shaped by the experience of migration Herdt, With the of Latinos in the U.
Moreover, while relatively understudied in the literature on immigrant adaptation, the reconstruction of sexual relationships after migration has ificant implications for long-term personal development and emotional well-being. This is especially true for those for Lonely women needing sex Mexico migration entails family separation. In these cases, concerns about infidelity, union dissolution, and even formation of dual families on both sides of the border often mar the migration experience, affecting the overall functioning of migrant families.
Despite its ificance, however, there is little quantitative information on the changes in sexual behavior accompanying migration. Lack of comparable data from sending and receiving societies clouds our understanding of the connection between migration and sexuality because changes in behavior must be inferred from retrospective s or multiple data sources that are not always comparable. There is a particular dearth of information on the sexuality of Mexican men because until recently research on sexuality in the less developed context focused on fertility, which was almost exclusively studied from the female perspective.
Accordingly, this paper contributes to the literature on immigrant adaptation by comparing sexual practices and attitudes among Mexican-born men and women in Mexico and the U. Drawing from original quantitative and qualitative data collected in Durham, NC, a rapidly growing immigrant receiving city in the Southeastern U. We concentrate on two dimensions of sexual behavior, sexual initiation and current sexual partners. In addition, we examine attitudinal changes towards sexuality connected with the migration experience. illustrate profound changes in sexuality accompanying migration with marked differences by gender and marital status, and highlight the health risks posed by family separation and the male-dominated context in Durham.
Rather than driven by natural and biological forces, the very nature of sexuality, including prescriptions regarding when, with whom, and how people may engage in sexual activity, is socially defined and varies over time and across space. Sexual norms are not universal or uniform within local contexts but rather vary considerably across social and demographic groups.
Our approach is to compare sexual behaviors across three main socio-demographic dimensions directly associated with sexuality: gender, marital status, and migration. We argue that it is in the intersection between the three dimensions that the changes in sexual behavior associated with migration can be understood. This also interacts importantly with marital status, which is another key factor that organizes sexual choices. Sexual experimentation is tolerated and encouraged among single men, who tend to experience their first sexual encounter at a relatively early Lonely women needing sex Mexico.
Single women, on the contrary, are expected to control their sexual desires and arrive virgin to marriage, and sex outside of marriage for married women is outside the boundaries of acceptable behavior and a serious violation of social norms Hirsch et al. And finally, because sexual norms are transmitted and absorbed by local culture and social networks, sexuality is likely to be profoundly influenced by migration.
Migration can alter sexuality at the cultural, personal, and structural levels. This could be especially so for women if migration is associated Lonely women needing sex Mexico greater autonomy and interpersonal power Hondagneu-Sotelo, On the other hand, other byproducts of migration may operate in favor of tradition.
At the personal level, migration is a disruptive event that relocates individuals across borders in an unfamiliar environment, dislocating social networks and structures of support. Migration removes individuals from the watchful eye of extended family and community members and weakens social control accordingly. Finally, migration can also affect sexuality via aggregate level structural factors, particularly with respect to the sex ratio.
Temporary labor migration from Mexico to the United States has historically been male-centered. While the development of transnational communities and fortification of migrant networks encourages the migration of women, both married and unmarried, the dangers and expense associated with border crossing often perpetuates an uneven gender composition.
In new areas of destination such as Durham, the sex ratio is particularly uneven Suro and Singer, The implications for sexuality are obvious and multi-faceted, as finding opposite sex partners becomes very difficult for men but relatively easy for women. At the same time, migration also has an Lonely women needing sex Mexico on sexuality in sending communities, where the sex ratio can be equally unbalanced in favor of women Hirsch, While migration holds the potential to have a ificant impact on sexuality, with important implications for public health, research on the topic remains incomplete.
Recent national surveys on sexuality lack an adequate sample of migrants, and most studies of migrants tend to focus on condom use, rather than the wider spectrum of sexual behavior, or on migrant farm workers and border regions, which is problematic in light of the tremendous expansion of migration to non-traditional areas of settlement and occupations.
Moreover, lack of comparable information on both sides of the border limits the capacity to understand the connection between migration and sexuality. In most cases, cultural values and traditions are inferred from recollection or generalizations drawn by subjects, without actually assessing their presence in countries of origin.
Comparable information for migrants and non-migrants is a prerequisite to separate the sexual practices that migrants bring with them from their communities of origin from those that arise in connection with migration. Our de addresses some of these limitations. We take a bi-national approach that draws on data collected in both sending and receiving immigrant communities. We focus on sexuality more broadly defined rather than condom use and compare sexual behaviors across gender, marital status, and migration status.
Our analysis integrates qualitative and quantitative methods with a bi-national data collection de. The quantitative analysis draws from face-to-face interviews with a randomly selected sample of Mexican migrants residing in areas of high Hispanic concentration across Durham, NC men and women conducted between March and Julyand random surveys men and women conducted in each of four migrant-sending communities in Mexico between December and April Durham, NC is an interesting setting to examine migration and sexuality.
Latino migration to Durham is situated within a larger trend of increasing diversity in migrant destinations in recent decades, particularly to metropolitan and rural areas throughout the U. Growth of the high-tech sector during the s spurred a boom in business and residential construction, heightening demand for semi-skilled laborers, as well as for domestic work and other service employment for the growing class of professionals in the area.
Like most areas of new migrant destination, the gender composition of the Latino population is uneven, with 2. The recent emergence of the Durham Latino community has important implications for the social context of sexual behavior.
Latino advocacy organizations are present, but remain small compared to their counterparts in more established immigrant communities. Numerous soccer leagues have been formed by migrants, often centered on particular communities of origin, and several bars and clubs cater mostly to migrant clientele. In spite of these organizations and venues Durham migrants frequently complain of a lack of recreational opportunities, particularly those that offer a safe, non-threatening environment for meeting members of the opposite sex.
Another aspect of the local Latino community is the presence of commercial sex workers CSWs. CSWs are also common in areas of Latino concentration in Durham. In addition, groups of women also frequent the apartment complexes, soliciting men gathered in common areas or going door to door in search of clients. The structural context of Latino migration in Durham thus includes both an uneven sex ratio and the ready availability of CSWs.
The implications of these patterns for sexuality are profound, and their importance to public health is underscored by the rapid increase in Latino representation in HIV cases in the area NC Department of Health and Human Services, Surveying the nascent Durham Latino communities raised several methodological challenges.
To enhance access to the community and facilitate the collection of Lonely women needing sex Mexico information we relied heavily on Community-Based Participatory Research CBPR. CBPR is a collaborative approach to research that involves community members in all stages of the research process. While growing rapidly, the Durham Latino community remains a small fraction of the total population of Durham, rendering a simple random sample difficult. We therefore employed targeted random sampling of areas of Latino concentration.
In collaboration with the CBPR group, we identified 13 apartment complexes and blocks that house large s of migrant Latinos, and used the more than 2, housing units in them as our sampling frame. The communities were selected to represent different population sizes and economic conditions. Respondents in each community were selected using random sampling techniques and information from the Mexican Census.
In addition, extensive information on sexual practices was collected in both Mexico and Durham. Respondents were asked to report the timing, place, and relationship of their first sexual partner as well as the sexual partners during the year.
Our analysis centers on how sexual initiation, current sexual partner, and attitudes regarding sexuality differ by gender, migration, and marital status. Quantitative survey data is buttressed with qualitative data drawn from 8 years of group discussions with the CBPR group as well as 30 in-depth interviews conducted with a convenience sample of 15 men and 15 women representing different migration experiences. The connection between migration and sexuality is systematically mediated by marital status. Mexican migration to the U. Mexican men in Durham are ificantly less likely than their peers in Mexico to be married, with Mexican men in Durham are also dramatically more likely to be married but living apart from their wives.
Moreover, consensual unions, as opposed to formal legal marriage, are more common in Durham than they are in Mexico. A very different pattern is evinced by women. Women are dramatically less likely to be single in the U. The vast majority of Mexican women are married in Durham, It is important to note though, that this is not because unattached Mexican women do not migrate to the U. Among these women, half subsequently formed a union in the U. In Mexico the phenomenon of married men migrating without their wives translates into 8.
As Lonely women needing sex Mexico the case for men, consensual unions are ificantly more common in Durham than in Mexico. This intersection of gender, marital, and migration status provides the background for understanding sexual behavior.
The ificant differences in marital status by place of residence have profound implications for sexual behavior and health risks, especially for men. The next set of analyses documents these differences focusing on sexual initiation and current partners. One of the ways that migration can affect sexuality is through sexual initiation.
First intercourse is a formative experience central to reproduction and transition to adulthood in most cultures. Using retrospective information we separate patterns of sexual initiation according to whether men and women had ever migrated to the U.reported in Table 1show that for both men and women ever-migrants average younger ages of sexual initiation than their non-migrating peers.
The median age at sexual initiation is 3 years younger 17 among ever-migrant men compared to non-migrants A smaller difference is found among women, among whom the median age at sexual initiation is 18 and 20 among ever-migrant and non-migrant women, respectively.
As could be expected, by age 35 the proportion sexually initiated across groups tends to converge, though women remain more likely than men to report never having had sex. While some of these differences could relate to the selectivity of the migrant flow migrants differ somewhat from non-migrants with respect to factors such as rural origin, educational attainment, and employment Lonely women needing sex Mexico ,the size of the disparities strongly suggests the role of migration and context in structuring behavior.
For most men and women, the timing of migration tends to coincide with a myriad of other life-course transitions, such as school completion, first employment, and also sexual initiation. In fact, reported in Table 1 show that These figures are noteworthy because place of initiation could be associated with other important aspects of initiation, particularly in light of the unbalanced sex ratio among migrants.
To investigate these issues, Table 1 also presents differences in type of partner and contraceptive use at initiation by migration and marital status. The analysis first distinguishes between place of initiation U. The rationale is that non-migrants column 1 for men and 4 for women constitute a reference group against which we can assess the connection between migration and partner and contraceptive use at initiation.
Overall, show that migration correlates ificantly with initiation partner among men but not among women.Lonely women needing sex Mexico
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